The Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) Northeast Asia Regional Meeting – Peacebuilding in Northeast Asia was held in Beijing, People’s Republic of China between December 2-4, 2018. This meeting comprised the the fourth convening of the Ulaanbaatar Process, a civil society dialogue on peace and stability for the Korean Peninsula and broader Northeast Asian region. Continue Reading
Analyst of the Mongolian Institute for Geopolitical Studies
Graduate Student at Yonsei University, Graduate School of International Studies
South Korean shortly-lived democracy came to an end in 1961 when Park Chung-Hee military regime replaced it through coup d’état. Since then, the country started down the road of export-driven industrialization to record a phenomenal average of 9.3 percent growth in its real GNP during the period of 1962-1979. Continue Reading
Security of Mongolia and security in NEA.
Mongolia has two neighbors – PRC and RF which are the biggest territories on the earth. Today Mongolia has very favorable external security environment because those two neighbors protect us from the outside threat. And there is no threat from neighbors due to reason of absence of any border or territorial disputes between our countries. I think it is very good reason to be happy, isn’t it? Continue Reading
1. On Mongolia’s Current Position regarding the SCO, and the reasons
Mongolia has held its very own clear position on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) until today. Although Russia and China have repeatedly expressed their interests in recruiting Mongolia as a member state of the SCO, Mongolia has been holding off the issue while attentively observing the organization’s evolution and the formulation of its vision. Continue Reading
By Bolor Lkhaajav (Analyst, Institute for Geopolitical Studies of Mongolia)
June 24, 2018
People’s Republic of China (PRC) is home to 1.4 billion people with rich history and diverse ethnic backgrounds that do not belong to the Chinese definition of Han Chinese. Despite China’s economic growth and its expansionist ambition both in the Asia-Pacific and elsewhere, identity crisis remains as one of the leading threat to domestic instability. According to the CIA, in 2010, the Central government officially recognized 56 ethnic groups with multicultural, multilingual, and multi-religious backgrounds. Among them are Mandarin Chinese, Cantonese, Shanghainese, Fuzhou, Taiwanese, Zhuang, Mongolian, Uyghur, Xizang, Hui, and other not well-known ethnic minority. While diversity seems common in our globalized, constantly modernizing world, it is an issue if the state labels them as something that they are not. In this case, Chinese. Consequently, identity crisis has become a growing issue for Beijing’s policymakers— either continue its iron fist policy or implement policies that are more inclusive. This piece of analysis scrutinizes the necessity of addressing the existing identity crisis in China and further questions, what is to be Chinese? If there are no clear definition, then, should the minorities have the right to be called what they are versus forced to be called what they are not?